The Good Friday Agreement is 10 years old. John Coulter considers its achievements and the next steps

A DECADE ago, there was the signing of a remarkable document which effectively signalled the end of eight centuries of religious conflict in Ireland.

While some of those who hammered out the Good Friday Agreement are retired, deposed or dead, and numerous issues are still unresolved, that historic day in 1998 laid the foundations for one of the most peaceful decades in Irish politics.

The Good Friday Agreement’s top 10 achievements are as follows.

First, the establishment of a fully operational, devolved legislative Northern Ireland Assembly with a power-sharing executive comprised of Unionists and Republicans.
The current Assembly has been the first workable power-sharing project in the north of Ireland since the Unionist-controlled Stormont government was established after partition in the 1920s. That parliament was axed by the British Government in 1972.

Second, the Provisional IRA – once the most feared terrorist group in western Europe – has decommissioned its arsenals of death and disbanded its active service units.

Third, inward investment is pouring into Northern Ireland, not just in terms of jobs, but also tourism. The present First Minister, outgoing DUP boss Ian Paisley, and his Stormont deputy, Sinn Fein’s Martin McGuinness – dubbed the Chuckle Brothers – must be laughing all the way to the national bank. Another major economic conference is planned for May and American President George Bush used St Patrick’s Day to pledge top-level support from the United States.

Fourth, fully functional cross-border bodies now benefit both Northern Ireland and the Republic. They have been influential in boosting cross-border trade and tourism and especially in the battle to combat deadly farming diseases such as foot and mouth, bluetongue and BSE.

Fifth, the overwhelmingly Protestant-dominated Royal Ulster Constabulary has been reformed and its successor, the Police Service of Northern Ireland, has a steadily increasing level of Roman Catholic recruits and is accepted in virtually all nationalist areas. The knock-on effect is that Sinn Fein has taken its seats on the policing board and mainstream Republicans are playing full parts on the localised district policing partnerships.

Sixth, the British Army has been withdrawn from Northern Ireland’s streets, with large numbers of bases either being closed or scaled down. The vast majority of army watchtowers along the border with the Republic, especially in the “bandit country” of south Armagh, have been dismantled.

Seventh, after a political career spanning more than four decades, Ian Paisley finally decided to lead his party into a power-sharing coalition with Sinn Fein. While this move has brought stable rule to Northern Ireland, it has cost him personally in terms of the leadership of the fundamentalist Free Presbyterian Church he founded in 1951. And, earlier this month, he announced his retirement both as First Minister and leader of his party. But so far, the coup inside the DUP has been bloodless and is not expected to threaten the peace process. Current finance minister Peter Robinson is tipped to take over both roles from the former Dr No and enterprise minister Nigel Dodds is expected to become DUP deputy leader.

Eighth, top-heavy local government in the north of Ireland is being reformed, with 11 super councils to come into play in the next few years, replacing the existing 26. Unionists had wanted a 15-council model to maintain overall Protestant control; nationalists wanted a seven-council model. The compromise 11-council model should see the two sides controlling see five councils each, with Belfast up for grabs.

Ninth, there has been less rioting at tense sectarian interfaces. Community workers and politicians have been using face-to-face talks to defuse contentious situations at flashpoints, such as the Holy Cross Catholic primary school in north Belfast.

Tenth, migrant workers are bringing their skills to Northern Ireland and becoming involved in the political process. This was demonstrated when the Alliance Party’s Anna Lo from south Belfast became the first person from the Chinese ethnic community to be elected to a national parliament in Europe.

So Northern Ireland is a lot calmer, in political terms, than it was in the years of the sectarian slaughter in the 1970s and ’80s. But there are still a number of crucial things to accomplish before we can finally say the peace is permanent. Here is the top 10 on the “still to do” list.

First, end the Protestant parades dispute. Drumcree remains a boil which must be lanced. It has been ongoing since 1995. This July also marks the 10th anniversary of the deaths of the three young Catholic Quinn brothers, who were killed in an arson attack on their Ballymoney home in north Antrim in 1998. It’s a case of solve Drumcree and the resolution of other parade controversies will follow. Face-to-face talks between the Portadown Orange District and the nationalist Garvaghy Road Residents’ Coalition are essential. The Orange Order has already been in direct talks with the leader of Ireland’s Catholics, Cardinal Sean Brady.

Second, the Provisional IRA must formally disband its ruling Army Council and announce that the IRA will become the Irish Republican Association of old comrades.
Third, the loyalist death squads of the UVF and UDA must follow their “stand down” statements by formally disbanding.

Fourth, loyalists must abandon their arsenals by decommissioning their weapons dumps. They should also end the political sabre-rattling by no longer referring to their arms as “the people’s guns”.

Fifth, the Northern Ireland Assembly needs to find a workable alternative to the 11- plus exam, protect the lucrative grammar school sector, combat water charges and take on tax-raising powers for itself.

Sixth, Unionists and Republicans must agree effective policing and justice powers so that Stormont can combat rocketing anti-social behaviour and drug dealing across the north of Ireland.

Seventh, there needs to be a security clampdown on dissident Republicans, dissident loyalists and criminal gangs. This would see groups such as the Real and Continuity IRAs and the LVF put out of business.

Eighth, Republicans must finally reveal the locations of the remaining bodies of “The Disappeared”.

Ninth, a South African-style truth commission should be established to help the victims of the conflict and provide answers to unsolved killings and attacks.

Tenth, the rising tide of racism against migrant workers, as the peace process attracts more ethnic families to Northern Ireland, must be tackled.