JUST 48 hours after Barack Obama’s dramatic win in the United States came a second victory to savour when Labour triumphed in the Glenrothes by-election. The electoral result in the US was welcomed all over the world for its symbolism, with even Iran readjusting to the first ever black man in the White House replacing George Bush’s long-reviled administration. Meanwhile, last Thursday’s result in Scotland defied pollsters, curtailed a run of poll defeats for Gordon Brown and ended the SNP’s honeymoon with Scottish voters.

You might think that, aside from cheering up Labour supporters, the US presidential contest and the Glenrothes by-election have little in common. One resulted in a mandate to change the course of the world’s remaining superpower, whereas the other has been interpreted as a vote of confidence in the incumbent Government in Britain.

But there is much that Labour in particular and British politics in general can learn from Obama. Last week, I was at a debate sponsored by The Guardian and political journal Soundings. Although the discussion title was entitled “After New Labour”, Obama’s shadow loomed large. Jon Cruddas made a plea for the idea that “a better world is possible” to triumph over what he called “the shrill, sour language” of nationalism, authoritarianism and the demonisation of minority groups. Although John McCain mounting an onslaught of negative campaigning in the style of Lee Atwater’s efforts on behalf of George Bush senior and Karl Rove’s more recent ones for Bush junior, Obama’s currency of hope triumphed. There are a number of reasons for this: product and marketing, message and media.

The 2008 presidential election has seen technology and the internet as key players. It was rumours on the Daily Kos blog about the parentage of her youngest child which caused Sarah Palin to announce that her unmarried teenage daughter Bristol was pregnant – something she would have probably preferred to have kept in the family. Even traditional forums of television comedy such as The Daily Show with Jon Stewart or Saturday Night Live with the Palin-lampooning Tina Fey were accessed many more times than their original airings through the web. YouTube was used to maximum effect, with unofficial campaign highlights such as ObamaGirl as well as channels launched by both Democrats and Republicans.

Obama’s grassroots tactics served to increase turnout and ensure that traditionally unreliable first-time voters were onside. The superior organisation commanded by Obama was a result of his being tested for so long by Hillary Clinton’s stubborn refusal to throw in the towel at the primary stage until the last moment. This paved the way for an audacious 50 state strategy that paid off by turning parts of the US map Democrat blue which haven’t been that colour for 40 years.

While Obama had greater financial resources, these were bolstered by numerous small contributions from people donating online who had been buoyed up by his message and effectively targeted by email.

A willing army of volunteers across the county prepared to tirelessly work round the clock was key to Democratic Party success, not just in winning the presidency, but also in increasing its majority in both Houses of the US Congress.

If Labour wants to be able to count on a similar reservoir of support, it needs to provide policies that are more palatable to its rank and file. Currently, many members find it hard to drum up support for a party whose programme includes the introduction of national identity cards, renewing Trident and, until recently, the introduction of a 42 days’ detention without trial for terrorist suspects. Recent moves to retreat from some of these proposals are encouraging.

Labour retaining one of its safest seats in Gordon Brown’s back yard is not a non-story. The party has been in power at Westminster for 11 years and current economic circumstances are not propitious. For the party to increase its share of the vote at such a time and in defiance of national opinion polls is a great achievement. Some Labour MPs have already advocated an early general election to capitalise the win. Yet there is a huge difference between the SNP, Labour’s main opponent in Fife, and the Conservative Party, which will be the principal foe at the next Westminster election. Unlike in the US, the Prime Minister has the power to set the election date. Brown should exercise this judiciously. Notable though the Glenrothes victory is, it is not a firm enough foundation for going to the country yet.

Labour would do well to study some of the lessons of Obama’s campaign rather than rest on its laurels after Glenrothes. We need to take note of where we are in the electoral cycle. Setbacks can no longer be dismissed as mid-term blues. But Labour can still turn hope into reality. If Obama was able to convert an opinion poll deficit in September into a win on November 4, there is time for Labour to turn things around for 2010.