As Socialist MEPs leave Brussels for their summer break, a little over a year after European elections in which they lost 33 seats, it might seem normal if they were a tad gloomy about developments at European Union policy level. In fact, nothing could be further from the truth. Members of the Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D) – including the 13-strong Labour contingent – have their tails up after scoring a series of victories in recent months.
The first annual report from the VoteWatch organisation, monitoring European Parliament voting patterns, reveals that the centre-right European People’s Party has failed to boost its success rate, despite being the largest political group.
By contrast, since 2009 the S&D has upped its winning record, especially in areas like agriculture, civil liberties and budgetary control (by more than 10 per cent compared with the 2004-2009 parliament). The socialists claim they are close to setting the parliamentary agenda. Despite their numbers, they have secured the top post of High Representative for Cathy Ashton, limits on bankers’ bonuses, and targets for cutting poverty in the EU 2020 Strategy.
The key to success, apparently, consists of organisation, discipline, and partnership; while sharing a coherent ideology also helps.
EP Labour leader Glenis Willmott says the left is more cohesive and better at building alliances. Allies are recruited issue by issue: from the Greens on topics such as environment and health, from the far-left GUE/NGL, and from the Liberals – who side more often with the left than the right, regardless of the British coalition. “We know what we want to achieve and we know where to find the people to support us”, she says.
In the successful bid to limit truck drivers’ working time in June, for example, the EPP was split in half. “It drove a massive wedge in their ranks”, says Labour MEP Stephen Hughes. “The EPP is falling apart. They are being sliced and diced. We have identified who our friends are and we are going to be able to use them.”
Two French members led the EPP rebellion. The group’s problem is that it is a broad church, and the French centre-right is described as more left than some parts of New Labour. Another example was the resolution on economic governance, where the German CDU tabled amendments against its group line.
The socialists reckon their MEPs are better briefed on both issues and procedures. Voting in the EP plenary is an undertaking of Byzantine complexity and a moment’s loss of concentration can easily strand a careless MEP on the wrong side. According to one source: “Some people walk into votes without knowing anything.” Personal contacts are crucial. Socialist advisers compile lists of MEPs who are open to persuasion, and astute lobbying can tip the balance in a close vote. The EP’s cross-party Trade Union Co-ordination Group is a key forum for assessing views on social issues and winning over waverers.
Willmott says things are working out differently from expected. “A year ago we were feeling defeated and demoralised. The EP was definitely dominated by the right, so we thought they would win the arguments, but they haven’t. We are proactive. We work hard for it, but it’s worth it. We can still push forward progressive policies in Europe.
