Support for electoral reform ebbs and flows within the Labour Party. John Smith first promised a referendum on the voting system back in 1993, and that commitment went in Labour’s 1997 manifesto in the days of the love-in between Tony Blair and Paddy Ashdown. Subsequently, given the record size of Labour’s majority, the enthusiasm for voting reform – and the affection for the Liberal Democrats – faded. Then, earlier in 2010, both were back. Labour’s manifesto promised to “hold a referendum on introducing the alternative vote for elections to the House of Commons” in order to “ensure that every MP is supported by the majority of their constituents voting at each election”.
The Tories have always opposed electoral reform and supported first the past the post – it’s the system under which they secure their strongest representation. The Lib Dems have the most to gain from altering the system, which is why they are such enthusiastic advocates of change. However, Nick Clegg’s view before the general election was that AV is a second-best option because it is not strictly a proportional system – a “miserable little compromise”, as he put it. Yet less than five months since the coalition was formed, a transformation has taken place. The Lib Dems have embraced AV and David Cameron has allowed a referendum on it, set for next year. He may not be able to convince many in his party that AV has any merit, but he also has to make his marriage of convenience with the Lib Dems work.
Given that the Tories and Lib Dems have pirouetted on the voting reform issue, Labour should do the same. The party should drop its manifesto commitment and actively oppose a switch to AV in the referendum planned for next May.
British politics changed fundamentally when the Lib Dems got into bed with the Conservative Party. Labour support for electoral reform has traditionally been based on the assumption that the Lib Dems are closer to us than the Tories. Now the much talked-about but seldom witnessed “progressive consensus” between the two parties is off the agenda. The Lib Dems’ coalition with the Tories has poisoned relations with Labour. At the very least, it will be impossible for Labour to work with the Lib Dems at Westminster while Nick Clegg remains their leader.
There are still those who cling to the naive view that all it will take is Vince Cable to resign and the coalition will fall apart. The Lib Dem rank-and-file backed the accommodation with the Tories. Not one Lib Dem MP has publicly condemned it. How could they? They all report to the Tory Chief Whip.
Divorce, annulment or even trial separation are not realistic options for the Lib Dems. Ending the coalition means an early general election – one in which, if recent polls are accurate, they would be annihilated. So instead they may seek an arrangement with the Tories ahead of the next election, whereby Conservative supporters are urged to lend their first preference vote to Lib Dem candidates in seats the Lib Dems currently hold, salving their consciences by with giving their second preferences to the Tory candidate. AV is tailor-made for the coalition’s survival.
Lib Dem deputy leader Simon Hughes denies any such arrangements are in the offing. But recent history demonstrates that Lib Dem promises have a habit of being broken. Labour members and supporters should trust the evidence of their own eyes and ears. Conservative MP Nick Boles argues his party should make a formal pact with the Lib Dems, with each giving the other a free run in seats they currently hold. “The Labour Party would find it very, very difficult then to beat the combined forces of Tories and Lib Dems in all of their seats,” he said this week.
Labour is already half way there in opposing AV. Before the summer recess, the Shadow Cabinet took the decision to oppose the legislation paving the way for the referendum. Its other provisions include the reduction by 50 of the number of parliamentary constituencies in a fairly blatant bid to slash the number of Labour-held seats. This attempt at gerrymandering gives ample justification for Labour opposition to the bill. But Labour should specifically oppose AV, too. This has become a positive, principled choice, and absolutely central for Labour’s survival. As Vernon Bogdanor, David Cameron’s former tutor at Oxford and a supporter of proportional representation, put it: “AV opens the door to a new political world in which coalitions become the norm, and single-party majority government a distant memory. Defeat for AV could quickly end the coalition. But success would bind it together – for a long time to come.” The Tory-Lib Dem tie-up is a union of the like-minded. Right-wing Orange Bookers such as Nick Clegg and David Laws have far more in common with David Cameron and George Osborne than they do with Labour. The progressive alliance hopes of Tony Blair and Paddy Ashdown were a pipedream – one that is long gone.
We need to realise that or we may end up supporting a measure that could lock Labour out of power for a generation. The very future of the Labour Party as an electoral force may be on the line. We should call for a “no” vote in the referendum and oppose AV with everything we’ve got.
Kevin Meagher is a freelance communications consultant and a former Labour special advisor

