Two nights of bitter sectarian violence in Belfast should have shown the political establishment at Stormont that middle class Unionism needs to re-engage with working-class Loyalism.
It is now the Protestant marching season, with the peak coming in a few days’ time with the July 12 parades when an estimated 100,000 people will take part. In recent elections, only 30 per cent of working class Protestants have voted. Many are frustrated that Unionist parties seem more interested in courting the middle-class vote.
They see millions of pounds pouring into Republican strongholds thanks to the hard work Sinn Fein has done in those constituencies. Sinn Fein attracted middle class support without abandoning its core working-class base. The Democratic Unionists rose to prominence by appealing to loyalist working class. Ian Paisley established his political credentials in the early 1970s by campaigning for indoor toilets to be provided on the Protestant council estates in his North Antrim constituency.
But the DUP under Peter Robinson is a different animal altogether. The DUP in 2011 is a middle class, liberal Unionist movement which wants to appeal to pro-union Catholics. And many Loyalists feel abandoned.Republicans and nationalists should not dismiss the anger among Loyalists as a Protestants-only problem. Loyalists on the rampage don’t just vent their fury at police. They target Catholic homes, too.
This is a potent situation which could be exploited for their own violent ends by dissident Republicans opposed to the peace process. These dissidents would actually like Loyalist death squads to “go back to war” against the nationalist community.An increasing number of working-class Loyalists feel they are being frozen out. They need to be brought in from the cold as a matter of urgency.Forming yet another working-class labour movement is not the answer.
However, a new Loyalist forum at Stormont might be able to give the grievances of the Protestant working class a proper airing. If loyalists are talking, they are not rioting.
Something similar worked in the past. In 1996, the Northern Ireland Forum for Political Dialogue, which helped to bring about the Good Friday Agreement, contained political representatives of the main loyalist terror groups. The forum built on the loyalist ceasefires and encouraged militant working-class Protestants to participate.
Now there is the danger that loyalist terror groups are copying the past tactics of the IRA in demonstrating their ability to turn the tap of violence on and off at will. Thirty years ago this summer, Northern Ireland was in the grip of the Republican hunger strikes in the Maze prison which claimed the lives of 10 inmates, including Fermanagh MP Bobby Sands.
The IRA demonstrated its capacity to unleash serious street riots at will. There were fears in some quarters that Northern Ireland was being nudged ever closer to a full-scale civil war.
Sinn Fein has become dominant force in nationalist politics in the north of Ireland, thanks in large part because of what it has been able to deliver for is core supporters while attracting new ones. Unionist parties should take note. There is much talk among Unionists about the need for unity among their various parties.
But the pressing problem is not how a single, united Unionist movement can be built. To maintain the long-term security and stability of the peace process, middle class Unionists must reconcile themselves to their fellow Protestants in working-class Loyalism.
